Memories of Slavery: The Bonded Labour System in Valliyoorkaav Temple

Through oral narratives collected during their fieldwork, Shibina and Anjitha delve into the obscure history of a bonded labour system that was practiced in the Valliyurkaav temple of Wayanad. 

Shibina AS and Anjitha Ajayan

Long ago, two oracles of the Kodungallur temple were on their way to the Thirunelli temple with the divine sword when they decided to take a break near an ant hill. They placed the sword atop the ant hill and fell asleep. However, on waking up, they found the sword missing. A Kurichya ¹ boy who saw them searching for it pointed them to a nearby creeper from where the sword was hanging. They tried hard to reach it, but the more they tried, the higher the sword went. They appealed to the sword chanting, ‘valliyoor amme’ (O Mother, disentangle the creeper). However, their attempts were in vain, and they had to leave the place empty-handed.
The people reported this incident to the local chieftains Edachanda Nair and Vemoth Nair. They immediately went to the place, and much to everyone’s surprise, the sword gave in to their touch. The Raja of Kottayam, the then ruler of Wayanad, heard about this incident and visited the place. There, witnessed the oracular utterance whereby the goddess stated that she desired to settle there in three forms: as ‘vana Durga’ (Durga of the forest) at the place the sword fell, as ‘jala Durga’ (Durga of the water) in the adjoining stream, and as ‘Bhadrakali’ in between the two places. She also wanted the presence of both the sun and the rain. In obeisance, the Raja arranged for puja to be held at the temple everyday and appointed Cherangote Nambidi, Edachana Nair, and Vemoth Nair as the managers (Nair 2011, 122-126).

This is one of the numerous mythical stories surrounding the origin of Valliyoorkaav as an ancient place of worship among the Adivasi communities of Wayanad. Wayanad has the largest Adivasi population in Kerala which includes the Paniyas, Kurumas, Adiyars, Kurichyas, Ooralis, Kadars, and Kattunaikkans (State Planning Board). For them, Valliyoorkaav is a place of prominence and the centre of their religious beliefs. The Adivasi, especially the Paniya ², consider Valliyooramma their supreme god. They celebrate the Valliyoorkaav annual festival in the Malayalam month of Meenam for fourteen days. In the past, the festival brought traders from all over and marked the coming together of the Adivasi communities around the temple. The temple and its surroundings continue to hold great historical significance even now.

While the cultural heritage of the temple provides us with images of community and cooperation, Valliyoorkaav was once infamous for the practice of a system of bonded labour known as kundalpani or vallipani. Scholars K Panoor (2018), Mundakkayam Gopi (2002), and Azeez Tharuvana (2020) have argued that Valliyoorkaav was a slave trade centre. In Keralathile Africa [The Africa in Kerala], Panoor writes, 

During the 14-day festival, Paniya men and women would be present in front of Valliyooramma along with the landlords of the place. The landlords would select the labourers for a year from among those present. The process was just like picking cattle from the market. They purchased people for the whole year by giving an amount called nippupanam. The tribal chiefs acted as mediators in fixing the amount. The exchange of money happened in front of the Bhadrakali ³. Once the contract was fixed, they were obliged to work under the landlord until the next annual festival. One can speculate the reason behind fixing the terms of exchange in front of the temple—the Paniya feared the Valliyooramma. She was the reason for their health, joy, and misery. Thus, they came to believe that it was their duty to keep the promise they took in front of their god (Panoor 2018, 103-104) (Translated from Malayalam). 

This narrative tells us that Valliyoorkaav had deep ties with the bonded labour practice of kundalpani and the presence of the temple facilitated the exchange. However, due to a lack of solid historical evidence, there are contrasting scholarly perspectives on the history of Valliyoorkaav. In his book Wayanad Rekhakal [Wayanad Archives], O.K. Johny contends that there is no historical evidence to claim a slave trade in Valliyoorkaav. Vinayan M.C. points out that the temple was not directly involved in the trade. Instead, the landlords went to the labourers’ houses and fixed the nippupanam (n.d., 9). These studies, in contrast to that of Panoor and other scholars, do not see the temple as the centre of kundalpani. However, they do attest to the role played by religion in the upkeep of the exploitative system. According to Vinayan M.C., the landlords used the temple to exploit the religious beliefs of the Adivasi even if the temple itself did not assume a more central role.

Without solid historical evidence to prove the role of the Valliyoorkaav temple in the labour economy of the place, debates on the nature of the trade of human beings continue to exist. With this in mind, we went in search of alternative historical sources that could throw light on some of these debates. There we came across oral narratives of those who were, directly or indirectly, linked to kundalpani. These narratives of memory provide us with in-depth evidence of the practices surrounding kundalpani and how it was perceived by those who were associated with it. Relying on oral histories, we argue that a system of bonded labour did exist surrounding Valliyoorkaav. There was a verbal contract whereby the labourers, constituting mainly of the Paniya and Adiya, had to make an oath in the name of Valliyooramma to work for the landlords belonging to the upper caste Nayars, Nambians, Gownders, and Warriers. The exchange of nippupanam fixed the contract and paddy was given as the wage, known as vallipani (valli means paddy rice). As part of our research, we conducted interviews with the Adivasi communities around Valliyoorkaavu. Their accounts reveal the exploitative nature of the bonded labour system.

Choman (80) ⁴ recollects, ‘I have done kundalpani for Thazheveetil Nambyar and Padkana janmi ⁵. I guess I have worked under 2-3 janmis. During the festival, the landlord would give nippupanam. Once the money was given, we were obliged to work for the janmi until the next year. Sometimes, the chief acted as a mediator to decide who would work for whom. If they selected ten persons to work under a janmi, they had to work exclusively for him. We were not allowed to work outside his land. Wages were in terms of paddy rice. The men received two ser⁶ and women one ser of paddy rice. Grown-up children used to look after the cattle of the janmi. They were also given some paddy rice. It was the janmi who ruled the land and solved the disputes that occurred on their land. If the labourers committed any mistake, the janmis punished them. They even punished us if we took a day’s leave from work. They did not even hesitate to smack or kill. No one dared to speak against them. The janmis hired a moopan ⁷and mudali ⁸to allocate work and instruct the labourers. They made us work on behalf of the janmi.’

Chomiyamma (65) ⁹ says, ‘We began work at 6 or 7 am on empty stomachs and went till 6 pm. They (the landlords) provided us with sugarless coffee made out of the exocarp. There was a break for lunch. It was raw rice we got as wages. So we ate raw husked rice. Sometimes we [the women] were called to the landlord’s household to unhusk the grains. Those were the only days we got boiled rice as wages. During the festival, the landlords gave 2-3 pothis ¹⁰ of rice. We used to sell it for money and take our kids and families to see the festival.’

Recollecting his parents’ experience, Vellan (75) ¹¹ told us, ‘Rice as a wage was given only during the days in which work was available. When there was no work, they (his parents) had to fetch food from the nearby forest either by hunting or collecting roots.’

The landlessness of the labourers made them dependent on the janmi’s land. He allocated the land they had to clear and build their huts on. However, once the contract ended, they had to move out. Even if the labourers continued work under the same landlord, they were not allocated the same land. They used the free labour of the workers to ensure that the entire property stayed well-maintained.

These recollections clearly show that the nature of work was hectic and exploitative. The landlords used the Adivasi’s religious beliefs to exploit them to ensure their social and economic dominance. They had a deep connection with the goddess and the temple. The annual festival was so important to them that they would not dare to miss it. The landlords made use of their poverty and gave them money on the condition that they work the land till the next festival. The people had no choice but to accept these conditions as their lives were tied to the temple. The strength of their religious beliefs worked well with the other tactics that the janmis resorted to, thus entrapping the people within an exploitative labour system. For instance, the janmis hired a mudali from within the Adivasi community. It was a calculated move based on the belief that the labourers would not rise up against their own.

The Kerala Government legally abolished bonded labour with the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act of 1975. It defined nippupanam as

… the payment of cash called vallurkavu panam or nilpupanam or by whatever name it may locally be known or the payment in kind, by one person (hereinafter called the creditor) to a person belonging to a Scheduled Tribe (hereinafter called the debtor), whether evidenced by writing or otherwise… (‘The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1975’, 171)

Thus, it put an end to the exploitative system prevalent in Kozhikode, Malappuram, and Cannanore of Kerala. Later, the Indian government unified the law and passed The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act in 1976. The Acts legally ended one of the most inhumane practices that existed in the state. It marked a new chapter in the lives of those who were exploited. Choman said to us, ‘After it ended, we began to work as daily wage workers. The end of kundalpani made us fearless of the janmis. Also, our children began to go to school!’

From these oral history accounts, we can infer that the bonded labour system of kundalpani or vallipani was indeed practised in Valliyoorkaav in Wayanad. The victims of the system were mainly the Paniya and Adiya communities. It was established through a verbal contract wherein the people had to promise to work for a year under the landlords, from one annual festival to the next. We argue that what marks kundalpani differently is how it based itself on religious exploitation. It was a casteist and feudalistic practice that used religious beliefs as a tool. The Adivasi worshipped Valliyoorkaav and considered Valliyooramma their god. By basing the bonded labour market around the temple and the festival, the janmis exploited their religious beliefs. The annual festival was the pinnacle of their worship and a test of their faith. It was this that the landlords exploited. As the Adivasi were landless communities, their lives depended on the mercy of the landlords until the state legally abolished the bonded labour system in 1975 and 1976, respectively. 

In the absence of historical evidence, there are debates about the involvement of the Valliyoorkaav temple in the bonded labour system. Our study drew from the oral evidence collected through interviews with the Adiya and Paniya communities and secondary data from books and scholarly articles. These alternative oral narratives can serve as evidence that throws light on the veiled historical past of Wayanad. After the legal abolition of bonded labour, the same people started working as daily-wage labourers. However, it is significant to note that legal abolition is not the end of the story. There is further scope for studies that critically look at the historical aftermath of these changes as well. Here lies that scope of alternative historical sources that offer new perspectives which will continue to inform our knowledge of history.

References:

• C, Vinayan M. n.d. ‘Problem of Bonded Labour: A Historical Study of Valliyoorkavu in Kerala State of India’. Academia.edu. Accessed July 14, 2023. https://www.academia.edu/40472460/PROBLEM_OF_BONDED_LABOUR_A_HISTORICAL_STUDY_OF_VALLIYOORKAVU_IN_KERALA_STATE_OF_INDIA.
• State Planning Board. ‘District Profile – Wayanad’. n.d. SPB Home. Government of Kerala. Accessed July 13, 2023. http://www.old.spb.kerala.gov.in/index.php/district-profile-wayanad.html
• Gopi, Mundakayam. 2002. Ariyapedaatha Wayanad [An Unknown Wayanad]. Sahya Publications.
• India Code. n.d. ‘The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1975’. India Code. Accessed July 26, 2023. https://www.indiacode.nic.in/bitstream/123456789/12275/1/29_sw.pdf.
• Johny, O. K. 2001. Wayanadu Rekhakal [Wayanad Archives]. Calicut: Pappiyon.
• Nair, C. G. 2011. Malabar Series: Wynad Its People and Traditions. Delhi: Asian Educational Services.
• National Human Rights Commission. 2021. ‘Bonded Labour Cover’. National Human Rights Commission. Accessed July 26, 2023. https://nhrc.nic.in/sites/default/files/Bonded%20Labour.pdf.
• Panoor, K. 2018. Keralathile Africa [The Africa in Kerala]. Kottayam: Sahithya Pravarthaka Co-Operative Society LTD.
• Tharuvana, Azeez. 2020. Vayanattile Aadivasikal: Charithravum Varthamanavum [The Adivasis of Wayanad: History and Present].Thiruvananthapuram: The State Institute of Languages.

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About the Authors: Shibina A. S. completed a Master’s in History from Pondicherry University. She is currently working as a Social Science teacher in Tamil Nadu. She can be reached at shibinaashaji[at]gmail.com 

Anjitha Ajayan resides in Palakkad. She is a postgraduate in History from Pondicherry University. She can be reached at anjithammu6[at]gmail.com.